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Muslim extremist Abu Qatada to receive £8,000 incapacity benefits a year - for his bad back

juin 23rd, 2008

 

Mail Online

Muslim extremist Abu Qatada to receive £8,000 incapacity benefits a year - for his bad back

By Tom Kelly
Last updated at 9:20 AM on 23rd June 2008

 

The fanatic is accused of plotting atrocities in Jordan

Abu Qatada: The fanatic is accused of plotting atrocities in Jordan

Abu Qatada is to receive almost £8,000 a year in benefits because he has a bad back.

The fanatical cleric, said to be Osama Bin Laden’s ambassador in Europe, will get £150 a week of taxpayer’s cash after being released from jail last week.

He was granted the incapacity benefit because his condition makes him unfit to work – even though a curfew allows him out of his home for only two hours a day, meaning it would be almost impossible for him to get a job.

Qatada left Long Lartin prison in Worcestershire after the Appeal Court blocked his deportation to Jordan.

He is now living in an £800,000 four-bedroom Edwardian semi in a tree-lined street in West London.

His incapacity allowance will push
the family’s total annual handouts to more than £50,000.

His wife has been claiming £45,000 a year in child benefit, income support, housing benefit and council tax credit for the past four years.

Steve Pound, Labour MP for Ealing North, which borders Qatada’s West London home, said: ‘This is adding insult to injury. He abuses us and bleeds us dry at the same time.

‘The sooner he gets back to Jordan the better. I for one would put him in the boot of my car and drive him there myself.’

Taxpayers are also footing an estimated £500,000 a year bill to provide round-the-clock surveillance on Qatada, who has been described by a judges as a ‘truly dangerous individual’.

He arrived in Britain 14 years ago on a forged passport and was granted asylum the following year.

He was convicted in his absence in Jordan of involvement with terror attacks in 1998, and of plotting to plant bombs during the Millennium-celebrations. Last week a judge freed the cleric on bail after ruling he would face an unfair trial if deported to Jordan.

But the Special Immigration Appeals Commission imposed un-precedented conditions on his release, including a 22-hour curfew and wearing an electronic tag.

  * Nearly a third of those claiming ‘sicknote’ benefits - some 800,000 people - have been doing so for more than a decade, figures revealed.

In total 2.64million Britons live on incapacity benefit or related handouts.

Details of how hundreds of thousands appear to have backed away from returning to work throws light on the way incapacity benefit has replaced unemployment benefit as the real measure of worklessness.

Those who say they are unemployed and claim the Jobseekers’ Allowance get less money than those on sickness benefits - and come under pressure to find work.

The cost of incapacity benefit to the taxpayer is now calculated to run at £16billion a year.

The figure includes the cost of housing benefit and council tax benefit that can be claimed by anyone receiving the incapacity payments.

Checks on the handout to be introduced this autumn will only affect new claimants.

 

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WHAT TERRORIST MENACE IN EAST AFRICA?

juin 21st, 2008

WHAT TERRORIST MENACE IN EAST AFRICA?
By Ingrid V. BELOTTINI,
Research Associate at ESISC
The Black Continent, which has been a priori marginalised in world affairs, assumes a
strategic interest in the matter of the struggle against terrorism. Its role in this combat is
generally becoming more and more important. Peter Pham, the director of the think tank
Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs even sees the next base of Al-Qaeda as
being in Africa. In East Africa, from the Sudan to Tanzania, all the countries are now facing
this menace.
East Africa has not only been subjected to terrorist attacks on its soil but has harboured
major terrorist leaders, beginning with Osama Bin Laden. What is the extent of the threat
and to what degree do these attacks interfere with the development of the region,
notwithstanding the antiterrorist struggle that has been undertaken?
The situation is as follows: there have been very murderous terrorist attacks on the ground
and heightened incidence of piracy at sea, as well as a persistent threat to Western interests
and to the stability of the region. Analysis of the causes for development of terrorism in the
region reveals a terrain that it is easy for the radical Islamists to exploit. Confronted with this
new breeding ground for terrorism, it would appear to be indispensable for the Americans to
establish themselves there and issue a response, in collaboration with international
organisations and the African states.
I. Review of the situation: the terrorist strikes
The terrorist strikes are aimed at American interests and the West via maritime traffic and
the local populations in many countries of the Horn of Africa.
 Attacks against American interests
These attacks are the work of the Al-Qaeda East Africa cell (AQEA). Indeed, Osama Bin
Laden claimed responsibility for attacks perpetrated against the Americans in Somalia in
October 1993, when terrorist cells were set up by Ayman Al-Zawahiri, who followed Bin
Laden to the Sudan in 1991, and Mohamed Atef, a veteran of the Egyptian Special Forces who
was the ‘military leader’ of Al-Qaeda before begin killed in Kabul in October 2001. He also
claimed responsibility for the first attack on the World Trade Center in that same year. In
1998, the Americans were again the target of attacks on African soil: the detonation of two
2
bombs inside their embassies in Nairobi and Dar Es-Salaam resulted in dramatic
consequences with 253 deaths, including 22 Americans, and thousands of wounded. The
attacks were claimed by the Islamic Army for the Liberation of the Holy Places, an Al-Qaeda
front organisation.
According to Washington, the AQEA cell represents the most serious threat to
American interests in the region.1
 Sea-going piracy in the Red Sea/East coast of Africa
Pirate attacks have taken place along the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden, as
well as at sea near the Somali, Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts. The International Maritime
Organisation deplores the strong increase in the number of such attacks compared to
2006, with 39 attacks recorded on the East coast of Africa since the beginning of 2007, which
puts the African coast in the ranks of the world’s most dangerous.2 One also has to note that
30% of these attacks go unreported by shipping companies, which fear that their insurance
premiums will rise if they file a report. These acts are sometimes attributed to warlords close
to Osama Bin Laden3, but a number of them are decided upon by local tribal chiefs who are
assured of impunity by the decline of the Somali ‘state.’ These pirates generally operate
outside territorial waters and, more recently, in ports. They are often heavily armed (rocket
launchers, anti-tank missiles and Kalashnikovs), use advanced technology equipment (GPS,
Automatic Identification System radars, and non-armed mother ships sailing in a discrete
manner amidst fishing boats and transporting small pirate craft which are released at sea)
and operate on the basis of organised human intelligence gathered by personnel in the ports,
small patrol boats acting as spotters and overflights in light tourist industry aircraft. The
pirates demand heavy ransom when they manage to take sailors hostage. As a general rule,
negotiations make it possible to reduce the ransom to around 10% of the sums initially
demanded. The objective sought may be to finance Somali fundamentalists or local
clans.
These assaults destabilise maritime traffic (commercial and tourism). They affect the
Westerners directly by rendering the region inhospitable and lead to major financial
losses (estimated to be $110 million for the Kenyan ports alone). The attacks in the area of
the Gulf of Aden frighten away sailors who want to use the Red Sea and Suez Canal to reach
Europe from Asia or vice versa. The only alternative is to travel around the continent, which
is considerably longer and more expensive.
The threat is daily and the target is all kinds of ships, so that it is quite considerable. Let us
say that the Al-Qaeda networks could take advantage of this disorder to plan an attack in a
port, in a strategic canal, to hijack and set afire a ship transporting dangerous substances or
to take hostage a tourist boat (an operation which was attempted on November 5, 2005 off
the coast of Somalia). The local governments cannot solve this problem, and so the solution
should come fromthe international community.
 Attacks in the Sudan, Kenya, Ethiopia and, principally, in Somalia
These four countries have been the victims of attacks. In the Sudan, a bank in Khartoum and
a Christian church in the Southern Sudan were hit. In Kenya, the police regularly arrest
suspected terrorists, and two attacks took place in 2002 in Mombasa targeting Israeli
tourists. Ethiopia and Somalia regularly experience this kind of violence on their soil.
1 US Department of State. Country Reports on Terrorism 2006.
2 ICC International Maritime Bureau. Report ‘Piracy and armed robbery against ships.’London,
2007. 68 p.
3 CHARRET, Alain. ‘Note d’actualité N°21. Terrorisme dans la corne de l’Afrique : une nouvelle
stratégie d’Al-Qaeda ?’Centre français de recherche sur le renseignement. Paris. December 2005.
3
In 2007, Osama Bin Laden launched a call to Jihad in the Sudan: ‘It is the duty of
Muslims in the Sudan and in the Arabian Peninsula to unleash a Jihad against the Crusader
invaders.’4 The number two in Al-Qaeda, Ayman Al-Zawahiri, called for a Jihad in
Somalia: ‘I urge all Muslims to respond to the call for Jihad in Somalia. (…) I suggest
ambushes, mines and suicide missions.’ 5 On September 20, 2006, he again called for
Muslims to wage holy war in the Darfur.
In conclusion
- This overview demonstrates the desire of Osama Bin Laden and the radical
Islamists to chase Westerners out of these lands in East Africa and to win over
the terrritory. We are speaking about organised terrorism linked to Al-Qaeda that is
targeting principally Western interests, notably American interests, and intimidating the
local populations which are, in their majority, non-Muslim. By their appeals to Jihad, they
are clearly laying claim to the lands of Sudan and Somalia, making reference to their wish to
restore the Caliphate. The lack of security and poverty in Somalia serve their cause especially
well and that is why they maintain this misery by attacking in particular the boats of the
World Food Programme (WFP). The attack in Kenya is a message addressed to Israeli Jews
to persuade them to leave the country and leave the land of Israel to the Muslims.
- These acts of terror constitute a major threat, which can destabilise the
international economy, via its maritime routes and, above all, regional politics.
More generally, these attacks interfere with the political and economic development
of the region.
It therefore is appropriate to bring in an international solution in the framework of
the antiterrorist struggle.
II. The responses of the international community
In order to understand what types of response are possible, one has to analyse the key
factors in the development of terrorism and the spirit of radicalisation that is
appearing in the region.
 A strong impulse was provided by Bin Laden himself
Between 1991 and 1996, Osama Bin Laden lived in the Sudan, where he put in place an Al-
Qaeda structure: he found sources of financing, educated the leadership and created training
camps.6 His objective was to turn the Sudan into a base for launching combattants fighting
against secular or non-religious regimes. The political context was favourable to him, since,
at the time of his arrival, the Sudanese authorities had just been overthrown by a powerful
Islamic revolution. That led to the organisation of some attacks against the Americans, as we
described above.
 Islamin the majoriy
The geographic proximity of the Horn of Africa to the Islamic world has encouraged
considerable development of this religion in East Africa ever since the 7th century. Its
followers represent between 10 and 100% of the local population depending on the country.
The Islamists came to power in the Sudan in 1989 and in Somalia in 2006 via the Islamic
4 AFP dispatch, October 23, 2007.
5 AFP dispatch, January 6, 2007.
6 See MONIQUET, Claude : La guerre sans visage, Ed. Michel Lafon, Paris, 2002, 395 pages ;
MONIQUET, Claude : Le djihad : Histoire secrète des hommes et des réseaux en Europe, Ed. Ramsay,
Paris, 2004, 329 pages ; BAUER, Alain and Xavier RAUFER. La guerre ne fait que commencer, Ed.
Lattès, Paris, 2002, 320 p.
4
courts. Moreover, the Islamists have a strong and potentially decisive presence in the political
life of Kenya, Tanzania and Ethiopia.7
 Weak political context
Following decolonisation, the African states became independent but powerless. The Horn
has been at war. In the past thirty years, all its countries have experienced war and we now
see Kenya rocked by ethnic confrontation. The weakening and collapse of these states
provides a favourable context for the Jihadists. Moreover, the crucial lack of security in
Somalia clearly encourages the recruitment of followers.
 Easy human and financial resources
The local population constitutes an enormous potential for the recruitment of Jihadists given
the continuing demographic growth, the profound misery, the frustrations and lack of
education.
Given the conflicts in the region and the porous frontiers, all these countries have easy and
quick access to arms and to the illicit transfers of funds. Furthermore, the authorities are
corrupt: the 2007 ranking of corrupt states in the world places Djibouti in 105th place, Eritrea,
Uganda and Mozambique in 111th place, Ethiopia in 138th place, Kenya in 150th place, Sudan
in 172nd place and Somalia, at the bottom of the list, in the 179th place.8
 A nearby target
- Westerners have interests there: they covet the petroleum riches in the Sudan and the
mineral riches around the Great Lakes; they use the strategic passage of the Red Sea and
send their tourists to the animal parks and the Indian Ocean coastal resorts.
- The Arab targets: ‘Their true targets are those which, following the example of the royal
Saudi family or Colonel Qaddafi in Libya, block the creation of true Islamic states,
preventing the birth of a new Caliphate which could retake the lucrative resources of the
Muslim lands.’ 9 The countries of the Horn also are among lands which the Islamist
extremists would like to control.
 Networks that are solidly implanted
The work that Bin Laden did in the Sudan and in the region during his stay there made it
possible to set up a regional network which rapidly ‘covered’ all the countries of East Africa.
Thus, the National Islamic Front (NIF) was created in the Sudan, with a subdivision called
the Forces of Popular Defence, which represents the hard wing of the party. This movement
is linked to the Muslim Brotherhood. The Islamic Party of Kenya (IPK) directed by Sheik
Khalid Balala is financed by the NIF. Its objective is to create similar movements in Zambia,
Tanzania, Mozambique and Uganda, thereby covering Southeast Africa. In 1997, Somalia
witnessed the birth of the Party of the Islamic Union, whose role is to create a Jihad in
Ethiopia. Today it is the Union of Islamic Courts which leads the movement. In Eritrea, two
parties are active. These parties have given birth to other groups and a network of radical
Islamists has thus developed.
It should also be noted that the United States has put Eritrea on its list of states supporting
terrorism,10 a list which already included the Sudan.
These countries thus provide especially fertile ground for the development of
terrorism, and it is both long lasting and complex to solve in the Horn of Africa. The
7 BERGEVIN, Olivier,.11 Septembre 2001-11 septembre 2006. Islamisme, Djihadisme et contreterrorisme
cinq ans après le 11-09. [http://www.esisc.org/documents/pdf/fr/11-septembre-fr.pdf]
8 TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL. Indice de Perceptions de la Corruption. Germany, September
2007
9 NAPOLEONI, Loretta. Qui finance le terrorisme international ? Ed. Autrementfrontières, New York,
2005, 357 p
10 Dépêche Jeune Afrique dated August 18, 2007.
5
international community has no other means in the short term than to try to limit the
risks of attacks thanks to surveillance operations. But in order to fight in the long term
against the extremist trend, the Americans must establish themselves in the area and
provide the local authorities and organisations with the necessary financial and
militarymeans.
The means of counter-terrorism: what response to make in the face of this
terror?
Let us first look closely at piracy at sea. The international community has not moved
radically against this phenomenon since there has been no bloodshed to deplore. In order to
reduce the number of these attacks, the United States is leading a surveillance mission in
which the forces of Australia, Pakistan, Italy, Germany, Britain and France also participate
by, for example, accompanying boats transporting humanitarian aid. But it remains difficult
to detect these pirates and still more difficult to catch them in the act. The International
Maritime Organisation of the United Nations has asked Somalia to grant all members of a
military coalition in charge of securing the area – the antiterrorist operation Enduring
Freedom –the right to pursue small pirate craft in its territorial waters.
The Americans have given direction to the antiterrorist struggle in the world and are
helping the local governments and regional and international organisations to
fight against the other forms of extremist attacks.
They position themselves as allies of the countries of the Horn in this affair, apart from
the two countries figuring on their black list. In order to succeed in their global war on terror
in this region, they use various tools including regional information sharing (regional
military seminars, among other items), police surveillance,11 military support,12
financial aid,13 educational programmes, aid for development, and democratic
and diplomatic tools.
International and local organisations are supporting this programme in parallel. The
United Nations in particular brought together seventy international organisations in Kenya
on October 29, 2007 in order to adopt a common declaration.14 All are working for the
struggle against terrorism. The African Union is making its contribution to this cause
thanks to the creation in 2004 of a body in charge of the matter, the African Centre for Study
and Research on Terrorism (ACSRT), which has the objective of centralising studies on the
subject and combining the intra-African and international efforts in the antiterrorist
struggle. The Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) brings together
11 The CJTF-HOA : A rapid deployment military and espionage mission ‘whose objective is to locate,
interrupt and, in the final analysis, to break up transnational terrorist groups which are operating in
the region- denying to them safe havens, external support and material assistance for terrorist
activities.’[Globalsecurity.org].
12Official site [http://www.hoa.centcom.mil/factsheet.asp]. AFRICOM will take over the command of
the Mixed Force in East Africa (CJTF-HOA) in 2008. This force reports to a command established in
Djibouti and numbers one thousand eight hundred soldiers positioned in the Horn; its zone of
operations extends from the Sudan to Tanzania. Their mission consiste fighting terrorism, securing the
area and establishing regional stability by using civil and military operations and by military training
provided in partnership with the AU.
13 WYCOFF, Karl. Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on
AfricaWashington, DC. April 1, 2004. The East Africa Counterterrorism Initiative (EACTI) comprises
military training to improve the security of the frontiers and coasts, a programme to strengthen the
monitoring of movements of people and goods across borders, security of airspace, financial aid to
combat terrorism, and training for the police. EACTI also has an educational programme to counter
the influence of extremism. The programme has a budget of one hundred million dollars.
14 [http://www.un.org/sc/ctc/pdf/Nairobi_joint_statement.pdf]. Joint Statement, Nairobi, 29-31
October 2007.
6
Ethiopi, Djibouti, Kenya, Uganda and Somalia, as well as Eritrea and the Sudan. In 2006, it
launched a four-year programme, the ICPAT (IGAD Capacity Building Program Against
Terrorism), in order to act against terrorism. It provides for the strengthening of judicial
measures, improving interdepartmental cooperation, strengthening controls at the frontiers,
training, exchange of information and of best practices, and promotion of strategic
cooperation. This makes it possible to complement the struggle undertaken by the Americans
or deal with it from another angle.
Despite the combined efforts of the states and international organisations to fight terrorism,
some limits on these means have just tarnished the effectiveness of the process. To begin
with, ‘theinsistent participation of Africa in this struggle arises more from its desire to
carry weight in the international arena than to prepare for a local urgent
problem.’ 15 The American programme, though precise and targeted, involves work
without end, for example, in managing poverty or in eliminating all the terrorist networks,
which reappear constantly. On the other hand, their presence on Djibouti soil and more
generally in Africa is challenged. Finally, there are aspects linked to the present economic
climate, as mentioned above, certain characteristics against which they cannot fight (the
former presence of Bin Laden and his aura, for example…).
By way of conclusion
East Africa is being courted by two different projects. On the one hand, the radical
Islamists would like to restore the Caliphate and include there these Eastern lands, while
the Americans wish to include this area in their global project running from the Maghreb to
Central Asia, so as to make possible the development there of a regional economic
ensemble. This creates evident tensions on the ground. But the means used by the radical
Islamists, terrorism, which is organised here and linked to Al-Qaeda, hinder the
economic development of the region and harm the building of democratic
states.
The threat is considerable given that it affects the protection of civil populations,
both indigenous and expatriated, the protection of democracies, international
trade and, in the end, the stability and security of the region. Moreover, the
elements propitious to the development of terrorism (religious tension, solid extremist
networks, weakness of the systems, populations that are easy to recruit) promise a long
lasting crisis. The struggle against these armed groups requires a very detailed
involvement and a constant and long term investment on the part of the
antiterrorist coalition.
Nonetheless, this terrorist source is known and contained: the implementation of an
effective and appropriate antiterrorist response by the Americans may perhaps make it
possible to limit terrorist acts. Today, it is evident that securing Somalia and Kenya are
becoming a priority issue to avoid worsening of the phenomenon in this region. The
extremist sphere is tending to shift more to theWest on the African continent.
Copyright © ESISC 2008
www.esisc.eu
15 [http://www.iss.co.za/PUBS/MONOGRAPHS/No74French/Chap3.html]

The Nazi Roots of Modern Radical Islam

juin 7th, 2008

The Nazi Roots of Modern Radical Islam

01/03/2003 6:47:36 AM PST by Conservative News Hound

By Tom Knowlton

The recent “Letter to the American People” allegedly authored by Osama bin Laden is a virtual ideological manifesto for Islamic extremists. It serves to outline the perceived grievances of radical Muslims against Israel and the West.

The letter claims, “It is the Muslims who are the inheritors of Moses,” dating the conflict between Jews and Arabs back to the Biblical conflict between Abraham’s two children: his eldest son, Ishmael (from who Arabs are believed descended), and his younger son, Isaac (from who Jews are believed descended). Some Muslims believe that Isaac usurped Ishmael’s birthright.

Likewise, prominent imams such as Abu Qatada, Omar Muhammad Bakri, and Abu Hamza regularly echo this claim that Arabs and Jews have been bitter enemies from the dawn of time.

However, if one examines the history of the Middle East, there is very little evidence of constant warring and animosity between Jews and Arabs.

In fact, when the city of Jerusalem fell to Christian Crusaders in 1099, the defenders of the holy city had been a combined force of Jews and Muslims. After the Crusaders captured the city, they massacred Muslim and Jewish citizens alike and left the survivors to flee Jerusalem. Not until the Muslim hero Saladin defeated the Crusaders in 1187, did the Jewish population even begin to return to Jerusalem.

Jerusalem’s Jewish community continued to prosper under the Muslim Nahmanides in 1267. But the community’s true renaissance occurred during the 15th and 16th centuries, when a large influx of Jews were welcomed into Jerusalem by the Ottoman Empire after being expelled from Spain.

For four centuries under Ottoman rule, Arab and Jewish neighborhoods peacefully coexisted. After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, the region came under British mandate. The early days under the British also saw relatively peaceful coexistence continuing and manifesting itself in the form of Arab and Jewish neighborhoods springing up in the “garden neighborhoods” of Talpiot, Rehavia and Beit Hakerem.

However, after over 700 years of peaceful coexistence, the true start of the Arab-Israeli conflict can be dated to 1920 and the rise of one man, Haj Amin Muhammad Al Husseini, the grand mufti of Jerusalem. As grand mufti, al Husseini presided as the Imam of the Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem, the highest Muslim authority in the British mandate.

History shows Al Husseini to be a brutal man with aspirations to rule a pan-Arabic empire in the Middle East. He rose to prominence by actively eliminating those Jews and Arabs he considered a threat to his control of Jerusalem’s Arab population, and he heavily utilized anti-Jewish propaganda to polarize the two communities.

In 1920 and again in 1929, Al Husseini incited anti-Jewish riots by claiming the Jews were plotting to destroy the Al Asqa mosque. The riots resulted in the massacre of hundreds of Jewish civilians and a virtual end to the Jewish presence in Hebron.

The 1936 Arab revolt against the British is believed to have been at least partially funded by Nazi Adolf Eichmann, and Al Husseini again ordered armed Arab militias to massacre Jewish citizens.

When British authorities finally quelled the rebellion in 1939, Al Husseini fled to neighboring Iraq and helped to orchestrate a 1941 anti-British jihad. As in Jerusalem, the British successfully put down the rebellion and Al Husseini fled to Nazi Germany.

Al Husseini found the Nazis to be a strong ideological match with his anti-Jewish brand of Islam, and schemed with Hitler and the Nazi hierarchy to create a pro-Nazi pan-Arabic form of government in the Middle East.

Dr. Serge Trifkovic documents the similarities between Al Husseini’s brand of radical Islam and Nazism in his book The Sword of the Prophet. He noted parallels in both ideologies: anti-Semitism, quest for world dominance, demand for the total subordination of the free will of the individual, belief in the abolishment of the nation-state in favor of a “higher” community (in Islam the umma or community of all believers; in Nazism, the herrenvolk or master race), and belief in undemocratic governance by a “divine” leader (an Islamic caliph, or Nazi führer).

The Nazis provided Al Husseini with luxurious accommodations in Berlin and a monthly stipend in excess of $10,000. In return, he regularly appeared on German radio touting the Jews as the “most fierce enemies of Muslims,” and implored an adoption of the Nazi “final solution” by Arabs. After the Nazi defeat at El Alamein in 1942, Al Husseini broadcast radio messages on Radio Berlin calling for continued Arabic resistance to Allied forces. In time, he came to be known as the “Fuhrer’s Mufti” and the “Arab Fuhrer.”

In March 1944, Al Husseini broadcast a call for a jihad to “kill the Jews wherever you find them. This pleases God, history, and religion.”

On numerous occasions, Al Husseini intervened in the fate of European Jews, most notably blocking Adolph Eichmann’s deal with the Red Cross to exchange Jewish children for German POWs.

Moreover, Al Husseini personally recruited Bosnia Muslims for the German Waffen SS, including the Skanderberg Division from Albania and Hanjer Division from Bosnia. The Hanjer (Saber) Division of the Waffen SS was responsible for the murder of over 90 percent of the Yugoslavian Jewish population.

SS leader Heinrich Himmler was so pleased with Al Husseini’s Muslim Nazis that he established the Dresden-based Mullah Military School for their continued recruitment and training. In 1944, Hanjer commandos parachuted into Tel Aviv and poisoned drinking wells in Jewish communities in an effort to stir up ethnic tensions.

After the fall of Nazi Germany, Al Husseini fled to Cairo, Egypt in 1946 rather than face war crime charges for his actions in Yugoslavia. But he continued his operations.

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Al Husseini worked closely with a pro-fascist group in Egypt called Young Egypt. In 1952 Gamal Abdul Nasser, a prominent member of Young Egypt, was among military officers who seized control of the Egyptian government from King Fu’ad. Al Husseini is reported to have been responsible for bringing Otto Skorzeny, the Nazi commando once labeled by the OSS as “the most dangerous man in Europe,” into the employ of the Nasser government.

Similarly, Al Husseini had a strong influence over the founding members of both the Iraqi and Syrian Ba’ath party. Strong evidence exists that al Husseini was instrumental in the arranging of Nazi war criminal Alois Brunner’s employment as an advisor to the Syrian general staff.

However, al Husseini’s central role in the creation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964 is perhaps his most indelible mark on the Middle East today.

The radical Imam was the spiritual mentor of the first chairman of the PLO, Ahmed Shukairi, and saw that much of his ideology was instilled in the organization. More importantly, Al Husseini used his extensive connections to recruit financial supporters for the PLO throughout the Arab world.

Almost 30 years after al Husseini’s death in 1974, the Palestinian people still revere him as a hero and embrace his radical theology. The “Arab Fuhrer’s” close Nazi association and virulent anti-Semitism is perhaps the reason that Hitler’s Meinf Kampf is ranked as the sixth all-time bestseller among Palestinian Arabs.

Several of his descendants remain active in Palestinian affairs today.

Al Husseini’s grandson, Faisal Husseini, was part of the PLO since 1964 and served as minister without portfolio in the Palestinian National Authority, with responsibility for Jerusalem until his death in May 2001.

The radical imam’s nephew, Rahman Abdul Rauf el-Qudwa el Husseini, has been a major player in Palestinian terrorism for almost 40 years. He was the guiding force behind the merging of the Fatah faction into the PLO. In 1990, Rahman Abdul Rauf el-Qudwa el Husseini was responsible for the Palestinian community’s support of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait.

Most Mideast observers today recognize the younger Al Husseini by the secular name he adopted as his own in 1952, Yasser Arafat.

By the late 1980’s many of the PLO’s radical Muslim financiers had become disillusioned with the increasingly secular nature of the Palestinian movement. Yasser Arafat’s support of Saddam Hussein in the early 1990s strongly angered and prompted many of these extremists in the Persian Gulf states to reduce or all together withdraw their financial backing of the PLO.

An astute emerging Sunni terrorist, Osama bin Laden, capitalized upon Arafat’s political misstep and transformed his al Qaeda organization into the prime recipient of financial support from Sunni Muslim radicals. That funding has enabled bin Laden to wage terrorist attacks on western and Israeli interests for over a decade. His most recent “Letter to the American People” echoed al Husseini’s propaganda claim that “the Israelis are planning to destroy the Al Aqsa mosque.”

The is little doubt that throughout history the Arabs and Jews have encountered the kind of friction that comes from any two distinct religious or ethnic groups sharing the same geography. However, that history has largely been one of relatively peaceful coexistence.

The divergence from that pattern occurs in 1920 with the rise of a virulent anti-Semitic mufti of Jerusalem whose ideology embodied more similarities to that of Nazi Germany than to the historical Islam of Saladin or the Ottoman Turks.

The wave of extremist Islam that has plagued the world in the latter days of the 20th century and into the opening days of the 21st, has little to do with ancient history or Islam. The cause lays largely at the feet of Haj Amin Muhammad Al Husseini, who utilized murder and anti-Semitism to consolidate his power over his fellow Arabs and further his personal quest to be caliph of the pan-Arab world.

 







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